Moderator: Dictators in Training
Why do you suggest that I not have the right to take on the risk of not carrying insurance? Why do you suggest that I should not be allowed to be responsible for myself in that regard?
Arlos, so requiring someone near poverty to purchase insurance or be fined (or forced into a public option?) is going to help them more than if they were free to choose whether to purchase it or not, and if they did, write it off?
IN A MUCH QUOTED PASSAGE in his inaugural address, President
Kennedy said, "Ask not what your country can do for you -- ask
what you can do for your country." It is a striking sign of the
temper of our times that the controversy about this passage cen-
tered on its origin and not on its content. Neither half of the
statement expresses a relation between the citizen and his gov-
ernment that is worthy of the ideals of free men in a free society.
The paternalistic "what your country can do for you" implies
that government is the patron, the citizen the ward, a view
that is at odds with the free man's belief in his own responsibility
for his own destiny. The organismic, "what you can do for your
country" implies that government is the master or the deity, the
citizen, the servant or the votary. To the free man, the country
is the collection of individuals who compose it, not something
over and above them. He is proud of a common heritage and
loyal to common traditions. But he regards government as a
means, an instrumentality, neither a grantor of favors and gifts,
nor a master or god to be blindly worshipped and served. He
recognizes no national goal except as it is the consensus of the
goals that the citizens severally serve. He recognizes no national
purpose except as it is the consensus of the purposes for which
the citizens severally strive.
The free man will ask neither what his country can do for
him nor what he can do for his country. He will ask rather
"What can I and my compatriots do through government" to
help us discharge our individual responsibilities, to achieve our
several goals and purposes, and above all, to protect our free-
dom? And he will accompany this question with another: How
can we keep the government we create from becoming a Frank-
enstein that will destroy the very freedom we establish it to pro-
tect? Freedom is a rare and delicate plant. Our minds tell us,
and history confirms, that the great threat to freedom is the
concentration of power. Government is necessary to preserve our
freedom, it is an instrument through which we can exercise
our freedom; yet by concentrating power in political hands, it is
also a threat to freedom. Even though the men who wield this
power initially be of good will and even though they be not
corrupted by the power they exercise, the power will both attract
and form men of a different stamp.
How can we benefit from the promise of government while
avoiding the threat to freedom? Two broad principles embodied
in our Constitution give an answer that has preserved our free-
dom so far, though they have been violated repeatedly in prac-
tice while proclaimed as precept.
First, the scope of government must be limited. Its major func-
tion must be to protect our freedom both from the enemies out-
side our gates and from our fellow-citizens: to preserve law and
order, to enforce private contracts, to foster competitive markets.
Beyond this major function, government may enable us at times
to accomplish jointly what we would find it more difficult or
expensive to accomplish severally. However, any such use of gov-
ernment is fraught with danger. We should not and cannot
avoid using government in this way. But there should be a clear
and large balance of advantages before we do. By relying pri-
marily on voluntary co-operation and private enterprise, in both
economic and other activities, we can insure that the private sec-
tor is a check on the powers of the governmental sector and an
effective protection of freedom of speech, of religion, and of
thought.
The second broad principle is that government power must
be dispersed. If government is to exercise power, better in the
county than in the state, better in the state than in Washington.
If I do not like what my local community does, be it in sewage
disposal, or zoning, or schools, I can move to another local com-
munity, and though few may take this step, the mere possibility
acts as a check. If I do not like what my state does, I can move
to another. If I do not like what Washington imposes, I have few
alternatives in this world of jealous nations.
...
The preservation of freedom is the protective reason for limit-
ing and decentralizing governmental power. But there is also a
constructive reason. The great advances of civilization, whether
in architecture or painting, in science or literature, in industry or
agriculture, have never come from centralized government. Co-
lumbus did not set out to seek a new route to China in response
to a majority directive of a parliament, though he was partly
financed by an absolute monarch. Newton and Leibnitz; Ein-
stein and Bohr; Shakespeare, Milton, and Pasternak; Whitney,
McCormick, Edison, and Ford; Jane Addams, Florence Night-
ingale, and Albert Schweitzer; no one of these opened new fron-
tiers in human knowledge and understanding, in literature, in
technical possibilities, or in the relief of human misery in re-
sponse to governmental directives. Their achievements were the
product of individual genius, of strongly held minority views, of
a social climate permitting variety and diversity.
Government can never duplicate the variety and diversity of
individual action. At any moment in time, by imposing uniform
standards in housing, or nutrition, or clothing, government
could undoubtedly improve the level of living of many individ-
uals; by imposing uniform standards in schooling, road con-
struction, or sanitation, central government could undoubtedly
improve the level of performance in many local areas and per-
haps even on the average of all communities. But in the proc-
ess, government would replace progress by stagnation, it would
substitute uniform mediocrity for the variety essential for that
experimentation which can bring tomorrow's laggards above
today's mean.
KaiineTN wrote:In conclusion, Brinstar thinks I am an asshole, and I think he is a douchebag.
Arlos wrote: How can we do nothing?
-Arlos
Tikker wrote:Arlos wrote: How can we do nothing?
-Arlos
because a large chunk of you were brought up to be self centered spoiled mofakas
as long as you're ok, who gives a shit about the dude down the street
once he's dead, you can take his stuff
Gypsiyee wrote:I think that's pretty much the same thing still, though. It's just typical American narcissistic martyrdom.
Gaazy wrote:
The guy down the road that lost his job at the mines and now works a million hours at McDonalds to support his family and keep his house and refuses to take the check and work deserves every penny, and I would more than gladly help him. But on down the road, the guy with 8 kids who hasnt had a job in 15 years and hasnt even made an attempt to find one, only sit around and bitch that there arent any jobs and the government doesnt give him enough, deserves to die without insurance.
Gaazy wrote:The guy down the road that lost his job at the mines and now works a million hours at McDonalds to support his family and keep his house and refuses to take the check and work deserves every penny, and I would more than gladly help him. But on down the road, the guy with 8 kids who hasnt had a job in 15 years and hasnt even made an attempt to find one, only sit around and bitch that there arent any jobs and the government doesnt give him enough, deserves to die without insurance.
HyPhY GhEtTo MaMi wrote:GeT ofF mAh OvaRiEz
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